Muslim Women Identity: Veil (Hijjab) Male Dominion or Women’s Honor

Muslim Women Identity: Veil (Hijjab) Male Dominion or Women’s Honor?

Hijjab is the proper, or complete Muslim dressing. Chouki El Hamel (2002) discusses the issue of Muslims in France putting on this Islamic headscarf in the article Muslim Diaspora in Western Europe: The Islamic Headscarf (Hijab), the Media and Muslims’ Integration in France.

The article sees the question of the hijjab and the identity it communicates as not very clear. For instance, even among Muslim Feminists, such as Nawal El Saadawi, it is seen as a symbol of oppression and subjugation. Nawal’s writings, as quoted in Chouki (2002) advocate for the raising of the veil e.g.
The call to liberate the mind or to raise the veil from the mind (…) is an essential for the liberation of the Arab person, man or woman, but especially woman. For she is ruled by two authorities (inside and outside the home), which deprive her of her rights over her own mind and body and from becoming the moving force behind her own deeds. (El Saadawi, 1988, p. 21)

However, Islamist women disagree with this position of the seeing the hijjab as a symbol of male dominion, but see it as a symbol of fight against western culture, more specifically materialism and imperialism. More importantly, the hijjab is a symbol Muslim identity and tradition. The hijab, according to Chouki, should also be looked upon as a class symbol. Discussions showing the hijjab as a symbol of oppression fail to look at it as a dress, but delve more into family structure and individualism.

In addition Chopra J, (2010) in the article Liberation by the veil  makes an argument that Contrary to popular belief, the Muslim woman is not being oppressed through covering, she is being liberated from the shackles of being scrutinized by men according to man’s standards of attractiveness. This, according to him, gives the woman an opportunity to be whom she is on the inside, without being seen as a sex object to be lusted after.  He goes on to argue that the veil brings dignity and honour to the woman by bringing out an aura of respect, noting that the woman is respected and admired not because of beauty or lack of it, but because of their mind and personality.

Saied R. and Arzu Merali (2006), writing a report for the Islamic Human Rights Commission, found out that:
Respondents saw Hijab to be a form of protection, identity, religious obligation and a reminder to behave in a dignified manner when in public. Other reasons cited were acting as ambassadors of Islam and as a form of Da’wah (proselytism). Sporting Hijab was attributable to modesty and respect according to some respondents. Both female and male respondents clarify that Hijab is not merely a piece of cloth but a concept which applies to both genders and symbolises the concept of modesty.

The report, entitled Hijab, Meaning, Identity, Otherization and Politics: British Muslim Women, found out that the women who wear the hijab out of choice, and associate with it are not under disadvantage; on the contrary, they find an identity with which they identify themselves.

The Role of Iraqi Culture in English Teaching Materials

The Role of Iraqi Culture in English Teaching Materials

According to Doukas, (1996: 187-188), Iraq is a country with 28, 506, 000 population. It is found in the Middle East and is rich with Islamic and Arabic traditions. These traditions are the strongest factor that exerts a very solid influence on the conduct of everyday life of its citizens, as well as being quite reflected by country’s social structures. These traditions are established as shared set of ideologies among its people. Iraq can be described as a closed culture society where tradition and the impact of culture and religion are strong even in education.

The obstacles that may prevent meeting of teaching and learning objectives include:
(1) the teachers’ attitude and
(2) the learners’ attitude. Iraqi culture is predominantly a non-western way of life that forms the key foundation in the locals’ education.

This cultural influence is strongest for Iraqis who have stayed mainly in Iraq most of their lives. Iraqis have very strong beliefs in their own system of beliefs, tradition and culture and they readily reject anything which they recognize as foreign, especially if they are confined in Iraq. This strong affinity with what they own locally is readily apparent in their well-preserved ways of life. As an Iraqi myself, I say that Iraqis tend to respect cultural differences but when it comes to cultural conflict, they reject anything considered as foreign. To utilize the communicative language teaching (CLT) approach to teach English in Iraq using western resources can then be a very challenging position.

Iraqi educational culture is essentially teacher-centered. It is readily observed anywhere in Iraq that the mentor posses the concentration of power and authority. The mentor takes the role of knowledge communicator. It is expected that teachers are the ones to give ideas and information. In other words, student- teacher interactions are less frequent and restricted. These interactions always based on respect and so, it is rarely that students would challenge the point of view of their teachers. Indeed, while this may be viewed as characterizing a limited, narrow-minded people, whose inert intellects lay fallow in incurious resignation.

(Porter, 1994, p.155; cited in Penycook, 1998; as cited in Le Ha, 2004, p.51), it is more of attitude of respect for teachers dictated by the local culture. On the surface, it may seem that Iraqi students would simply take in whatever is fed to them but there is more to it than simply accepting and eventually echoing the information received. In my view, it is never possible to echo what is just received because in the end, students will always process information and take the meaning from the whole, and not in fragments.
Additionally, interactions among students are also less frequent and discouraged. In Iraqi culture, interactions like this are considered more as noise or unnecessary disturbance and are thus, prohibited. Lastly, educational resources used are essentially based on the local culture. This comes rather obvious considering how mono-cultural the society is, and where exposure to non-Iraqi local practices is very limited.

Culture Clash and Teaching models Among Muslim ESL Learners

Culture Clash and Teaching models Among Muslim ESL Learners

There are fundamental differences in the way immigrants from Iraq learn from how other people such as Australians learn. For instance in Iraq, as mentioned above, it is expected that teachers are the ones to give ideas and information. In other words, student- teacher interactions are less frequent and restricted. These interactions always based on respect and so, it is rarely that students would challenge the point of view of their teachers.

Indeed, while this may be viewed as characterizing a limited, narrow-minded people, whose inert intellects lay fallow in incurious resignation. (Porter, 1994, p.155; cited in Le Ha, 2004, p.51), it is more of attitude of respect for teachers dictated by the local culture. On the surface, it may seem that Iraqi students would simply take in whatever is fed to them but there is more to it than simply accepting and eventually echoing the information received.

In my view, it is never possible to echo what is just received because in the end, students will always process information and take the meaning from the whole, and not in fragments. Any attempt to use significantly different models of teaching, such as Communicative Language Teaching, may lead to a clash of learning culture, a concept that may be detrimental to the learners. Guild (2001) says that “this cultural clash often causes students to struggle in school, and yet their individual strengths, if valued, respected, and promoted, would bring them success and increase their self- confidence.”